A Land Divided
Chapter Five - The Shifting Lines
Section 6 of 13
CHAPTER FIVE
The Shifting Lines
By the 1960s, the map had settled — but the people hadn’t.
Israel controlled most of the land and had begun building a new national identity: Hebrew was revived, cities expanded, immigrants poured in, and the memory of the Holocaust shaped the country’s sense of urgency and vigilance.
Palestinians, meanwhile, were scattered. Hundreds of thousands still lived in refugee camps. Gaza was under Egyptian rule. The West Bank was under Jordanian control. There was no Palestinian state. No passport. No army. No real future.
But that static map wasn’t going to last. In 1967, everything exploded — again.
In June 1967, after months of rising tension, military threats, and border clashes, Israel launched a surprise preemptive strike against Egypt. Syria and Jordan joined the fight. Six days later, it was over — and the map was unrecognizable.
Israel now controlled:
The West Bank (from Jordan)
The Gaza Strip (from Egypt)
The Golan Heights (from Syria)
The Sinai Peninsula (also from Egypt)
And all of Jerusalem — including the Old City and holy sites
It was a stunning military victory. And a political nightmare.
Suddenly, one million Palestinians were now living under Israeli military rule.
No citizenship. No vote. No nation. The army ran their towns. Checkpoints were erected. Permits were required for travel. Curfews. Searches. Arrests. Trials in military courts.
To Israelis, this was necessary security — these were newly acquired territories that could be bargained over in future peace talks.
To Palestinians, this was the deepening of the catastrophe. They weren’t just refugees anymore — they were prisoners in their own towns.
And as months turned to years, and years turned to decades, that occupation began to harden into something more permanent.
Soon after the war, Israeli settlements began to appear in the West Bank and Gaza. First, they were small. Then larger. Then officially supported by the government.
Land was seized — sometimes legally, often not. Roads were built. Walls began to go up. The settlements were guarded by soldiers. Palestinians now lived not just under occupation — but next to communities that looked nothing like theirs, under different laws, with better infrastructure and full Israeli protection.
This wasn’t temporary anymore. It was becoming a new reality.
Meanwhile, in exile, the Palestine Liberation Organization (or the PLO) had formed — claiming to represent all Palestinians, and calling for the liberation of Palestine by any means necessary.
Led by Yasser Arafat, the PLO rejected Israel’s existence and launched guerrilla attacks, hijackings, and raids — often from neighboring countries like Lebanon and Jordan.
To Israel, the PLO were terrorists. To Palestinians, they were freedom fighters — the first to say the word Palestine out loud again.
This was no longer a local struggle. It was now a regional war, a global flashpoint, and an ideological stalemate.
Israel had won the war. But it had also inherited millions of people it didn’t want to absorb — and couldn’t give up.
And the longer it held that land, the more that war would become the norm.
